Aughinish Alumina plant in County Limerick, Ireland, under a cloudy sky.

Aughinish Alumina Controversy

Ireland finds itself in a peculiar and increasingly uncomfortable position on the international stage, specifically concerning the Aughinish Alumina plant in County Limerick. This isn't about local planning disputes or environmental concerns, though those are often part of the conversation around large industrial sites. This is about geopolitics, sanctions, and the intricate web of corporate ownership that stretches from the Shannon Estuary all the way to the Kremlin.

Aughinish Alumina plant in County Limerick, Ireland, under a cloudy sky.

We're seeing fresh scrutiny from our European neighbors, and it's putting Dublin under pressure. The core of the issue revolves around Oleg Deripaska, a Russian billionaire oligarch with undeniable ties to the Kremlin and, significantly, the Russian arms industry. Deripaska founded EN+, the conglomerate that controls Rusal, the parent company of Aughinish Alumina.

Let's rewind a bit. Back in 2018, the US Treasury sanctioned Deripaska and all his assets, including Aughinish, over allegations of interference in the US presidential election. This was a critical moment for County Limerick. Aughinish Alumina is a massive employer, directly providing about 470 jobs and supporting another 500 contractors. The Irish government, quite understandably, launched an intensive lobbying campaign in Washington to get those sanctions lifted. The goal was to protect Irish jobs and the local economy.

A deal eventually emerged in January 2019. Rusal and EN+ would avoid sanctions if Deripaska agreed to reduce his stake in the parent company. His shareholding was to drop to 44.95 percent, and his voting rights would fall to 35 percent. The idea was that he would no longer hold controlling decision-making power at EN+. The board was even reconstituted to include eight members (out of 12) with no links to Deripaska. Names like Christopher Burnham, a former undersecretary general of the United Nations, and Thurgood Marshall Jnr, an American lawyer, were brought in. It certainly looked like a robust solution at the time.

Then, in 2022, further sanctions followed from the EU, targeting Deripaska directly for his role in supplying the Russian military following the full-scale invasion of Ukraine. However, that 2019 deal was held up as a shield, protecting Rusal and Aughinish from these new impacts. It seemed, for a while, that Ireland had successfully navigated a difficult international situation.

But now, the rug is being pulled out from under that understanding. And it's the Swedish taxman, of all people, who's doing the pulling.

Skatteverket, Sweden's equivalent of Revenue, recently issued a ruling concerning Kubal Aluminium, another Rusal-owned plant in Sweden. The figures involved are relatively small, just over €5.1 million in frozen tax accounts. But the findings themselves are significant. The Swedish agency's 73-page ruling, which delves into the complex ownership structure of Rusal, came to a rather stark conclusion: the 2019 deal is a sham.

The Swedes determined that Deripaska continues to control EN+, and by extension Rusal. How? Thanks to a decree from Russian president Vladimir Putin. This decree invalidates the voting rights of company shareholders from what Russia deems "unfriendly nations." In EN+'s case, when those voting rights are excluded, Deripaska's share of voting rights actually increases to more than 70 percent. That's more than enough for both simple and qualified majority votes. If he controls EN+, then he controls Rusal and all its assets, including Kubal and, critically, Aughinish Alumina.

Sweden isn't alone in this finding. In 2023, the Italian government froze the assets of Eurallumina, a Rusal-owned smelter in Sardinia, based on the same conclusion: Deripaska was still the majority owner.

This leaves Ireland in a rather isolated position. We are now one of only two EU countries (the other being Germany, where Rusal has a small aluminum plant) that has not taken action against Rusal assets within its borders.

The timing of this increased international scrutiny couldn't be more awkward for Ireland. We are currently taking up the EU council presidency. At the same time, the Irish government is finalizing its own report on the links between Aughinish and the Russian arms industry. The pressure on Dublin to demonstrate some form of action is becoming increasingly intense.

This situation highlights a really difficult balancing act for any government. On one hand, there's the imperative to protect local jobs and the economic well-being of a region. Aughinish Alumina is a vital part of the Limerick economy, and nobody wants to see hundreds of people lose their livelihoods. On the other hand, there's the moral and political obligation to stand in solidarity with international partners against aggression, especially when it involves individuals sanctioned for their links to an invading power.

The Swedish ruling, and the Italian precedent, make it very clear that the international community is no longer accepting the 2019 arrangement as a genuine divestment of control by Deripaska. The technicalities of corporate ownership and voting rights, especially when impacted by geopolitical decrees, are complex. But the bottom line for many is that the beneficial owner, the person who ultimately calls the shots, is still Oleg Deripaska.

What this means for Aughinish Alumina and its workforce is still uncertain. The government faces a tough decision. Continued inaction risks further isolating Ireland and undermining its credibility on the international stage, especially during its EU presidency. Taking action, however, could have significant economic consequences for County Limerick. It's a lose-lose situation in many ways, but one that Ireland can no longer avoid confronting head-on. The global spotlight is firmly on Dublin, and a resolution, one way or another, seems inevitable.

The US Treasury's Office of Foreign Assets Control (OFAC) provides details on sanctions programs.

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