Noel Doran, who has watched Northern Irish politics for a long time, recently offered a sharp analysis of unionism, suggesting it remains its own worst enemy. His insights come at a time of significant internal upheaval at Stormont, where the focus, it seems, has shifted from constitutional debate to an intense, almost gladiatorial, internal contest among unionist parties.

This isn't new, of course, but the recent displays have brought it to a head. Doran's perspective, watching from a panel of commentators, highlights a particular BBC1 "The View" episode. He describes an engagement between the leaders of the three main unionist parties (Jim Allister of the TUV, Gavin Robinson of the DUP, and Jon Burrows of the UUP) that felt less like a political discussion and more like a "verbal equivalent of a brawl at closing time." Allister, known for his pugnacious style, directed a ferocious onslaught at the DUP's Gavin Robinson, leaving the UUP's Burrows struggling to make an impact.

What stood out to many was that this wasn't the familiar "orange v green" contest. Instead, it was a clash between parties supposedly committed to the aim of unionist unity. That unity, Doran notes, seems to be rapidly disappearing into the ether. This kind of infighting, he argues, is a logical conclusion of the "culture wars" that senior politicians largely failed to challenge and now appear to be spiralling out of control, with profoundly negative consequences for unionism as a whole.

The situation surrounding Drumcree is a prime example of this internal friction. It's reasonable to believe that if the extraordinary meltdown within the Parades Commission had occurred last year, rather than this summer, it might have been handled with more measure. The Orange Order could have accepted a symbolic victory. Instead, in an increasingly fractious atmosphere, the more militant sections of Orangeism joined forces with figures like Upper Bann MP Carla Lockhart, from what Doran describes as the TUV wing of the DUP. They convinced themselves that they could replicate the triumphalist 1995 arrival of Ian Paisley and David Trimble at Carleton Street hall.

Any remote prospect of a "one and done" solution for Drumcree was quickly dismissed when these cheerleaders, in what Doran calls a "strategically bizarre move," made it clear they wanted not just one, but bigger and better Drumcree marches to follow. They also pushed for loyal orders to return to the full length of Belfast's Ormeau Road and other nationalist areas. This immediately galvanised nationalism, creating significant implications for next year's Assembly poll and beyond. The irony here is supreme: the initial cause was an issue in which the vast majority of ordinary unionists outside of the Portadown Orange district had displayed little real interest. It's a classic example of how internal dynamics within Northern Irish politics can escalate quickly.

Robinson, as DUP leader, must have hoped the spotlight would move on from a confrontation that has proved disastrous for his party. However, if a seemingly endless series of related court actions play out as threatened, he will be disappointed. Doran even recounts a slightly weak joke he made on air about Robinson's admission to being partial to Haribo, suggesting a shared packet of sweets with Lockhart but little else. This has been reflected in numerous dubious memes, and Doran hopes both the punchlines and the legal hearings fade away quietly.

It's important to acknowledge that Robinson cannot be blamed for all the calamities involving the DUP before he became leader. These include the Renewable Heat Incentive scandal, Arlene Foster's notorious crocodile comments, and the entire Brexit debacle. However, Doran suggests Robinson might look back on those moments, as well as Drumcree, and feel that these self-inflicted blows, coupled with Allister's onslaughts, have done much more damage to unionism than the best efforts of nationalism for quite some time.

Doran's analysis, as published in The Irish News, paints a picture of a political landscape where internal divisions and a focus on culture wars are undermining the broader goals of unionism. This internal strife, rather than external pressures, appears to be the primary challenge for the unionist movement in Northern Irish politics. The spectacle of leaders turning on each other, often over issues that resonate with a vocal minority rather than the wider electorate, diverts energy and attention from the more pressing constitutional and governance issues facing Northern Ireland.

The ongoing struggle within unionism means that constructive engagement on broader societal challenges often takes a backseat. For anyone watching Northern Irish politics, particularly those hoping for stability and progress, these internal battles are certainly a cause for concern. The questions Doran raises about the priorities of prominent unionists, whether it's genuine constitutional debate or internal squabbling, are crucial for understanding the current state and future direction of Northern Irish politics. The full original article can be found on The Irish News website, and further political analysis is often featured on the BBC's "The View".